首相兼財長安華在提呈預算案時指出：「問題是，（我們）是否有實現變革的政治意願」。 他指出了國家面臨的五大挑戰：
高債務水平
行政素質低下
全球不確定性
投資增長緩慢
人民經濟困境
然而，財案似乎對這些挑戰無所作為。反之，更多的是考量迫在眉睫的6州選舉，革新和改革的言詞很大程度上仍然是口號就不足為奇了。
很明顯，安華提呈的財案，是基於前財政部長東姑扎夫魯去年10月在第15屆大選之前提出的原本2023年財案的模板——這主要是傾向於馬來人和公務員的表面改革，沒有展示出任何改革的政治意願。
這是1997年之後，安華提呈的第一份預算案，也是馬來西亞歷史上最大的預算案。但更大並不一定更好，尤其是當這導致公務員體制進一步膨脹，而幾乎又沒有帶來實質的治理和體制改革措施時。
財案的總支出為3861.4億令吉，其中1455億令吉用於公務員薪金和運營開支，586億令吉用於津貼，而只有970億令吉供發展開支。 其他為退休金（300億令吉）、債務利息（459.4 億令吉）、各州款項（81億令吉）。
總收入則為2915億令吉，其中包括2182億令吉的稅收收入和733億令吉的非稅收入，因此預算赤字包括由官聯公司付款組成的部份為
946億令吉。
公積金體制也沒有任何改革，只有一些象徵式援助，即存款餘額低於1萬令吉者，將獲得500令吉補助。儘管，馬來西亞許多人面對著退休危機，然而依然不見任何稅制改革，只見B40群體（低下階層）的稅率降低了2%，而T20（高收入）群體的稅率將提高2%。如果不進行改革，政府的未來稅收將面對問題。
預算案內也缺乏希盟和國陣承諾的收入安全網。政府給予社會援助的80億令吉撥款，除於受惠的870萬人，每人等於每年只有920令吉。 一名工會領袖就斥為這是「微不足道的一次性施捨」。財案沒有提出一個全方位的方案，以改善B40和M40群體面對著的低收入困境。
對中小企業的援助主要還是以貸款形式，並給予發展自動化優先關注。這肯定會帶來交付和管理問題。畢竟，政府標準可能過於嚴格，使許多中小企業不符合資格。
尤其分配給自動化和數碼化的撥款很可能無法用完，因為大多數中小企業只是「勉強維持營運」，無法符合撥款的要求。「關係」往往可決定誰可獲得援助。稅務優惠對沒有盈利的中小企業作用不大，許多中小企業目前在技術上已經資不抵債。國庫控股和公積金局 斥資15億令吉於創新和高增長初創公司的投資計劃，很可能只惠及富裕和有關聯的公司。大部分資金也可能是用於諮詢服務。
從政府提供10億令吉的貸款和稅收優惠，到國家稻米公司把進口米業務的30%利潤與稻農分享，這些都無助於提高糧食生產。農業企業也可能不會充份善用技術補助金，或者最終可能流向虛假的政治關聯公司。財案幾乎沒有採取任何措施來降低糧食生產成本，如降低農業生產工具的入口稅。反之許多食品仍然有進口准證（AP）限制，這導致了人為的高成本。
建議設立特攻隊推動政府機構的改革和革新，是朝著提高政府效率的正確方向邁出了一小步。但這應該擴大到更廣的層面，從部門到下面的分局每一階層，檢視哪一方面出現人員臃腫和低效率情況，並在下一個財案前採取必要的糾正行動。
預算案其中一項令人關注的是，做為財長的安華，財政部撥款從298.7億令吉增加到672.4億令吉，增加了125.1%。這是一個龐大的數額，將增強財政部的權力。
政府預測2023年的津貼總額為586億令吉。其中許多補貼，例如為稻農提供的18億令吉補貼，將只會令我國水稻產業繼續保持低效率。同樣，給予18-20歲青少年的200令吉補貼，也是一種浪費，這不是幫助這些人增強自己的能力的方法。
官聯公司為青少年、技職教育畢業生、退伍軍人和其他弱勢群體提供3萬5000個新工作機會，只會令這些機構更加低效率。這份新的優惠清單可能會帶來短期政治收益，但在經濟回報上，很大程度上是虛幻的。
首相承諾分享「真實事實」，而不是選擇「迷人」的數字來準確呈現國家狀況，然而安華卻錯失了預算案這個良機。
（本文章是作者與Ramesh Chander和Murray Hunter共同撰寫。）
林德宜《2023預算案──同樣的舊東西》原文：
Budget 23: Same Old Stuff
Mainly status quo, part recovery, and part election oriented, the 2023 budget was like previous Barisan Nasional budgets rather than one by a reformist government.
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{nextpage}In his budget presentation, the Prime Minister had asked: 「the question is whether there is political will to effect change」. He noted five challenges facing the nation:
high debt level
low quality of administration
global uncertainties
slow investment recovery
rakyat economic woes.
However little appears to be done with these challenges. Crafted with the looming state elections in mind, it is not surprising that the rhetoric of change and reform has largely remained rhetoric.
It is clear that what has emerged is based on the original 2023 template presented by former finance minister Tengku Zafrul last October before GE15 - that is mainly cosmetic reform geared towards the Malay and civil service constituency and with no evidence of political will to change.
Anwar’s first full budget since 1997 is the largest budget presented in Malaysia’s history. But bigger is not necessarily better especially when it results in further bloat of the public service and with little evidence of substantive institutional and governance reform measures.
Total forecast spending is RM 386.14 billion, of which RM 145.5 billion is spent on salaries and operating expenses, RM 58.6 billion in subsidies, while RM 97 billion is planned spending on development. The balance is on retirement charges (RM 30 billion), debt service charges (RM 45.94 billion), payments to states (RM 8.1 billion).
This will be financed by RM 291.5 billion in revenue, made up of RM 218. 2 billion in tax revenue, and RM 73.3 billion in non-tax revenue, with a budget deficit made up from borrowings and payments from GLCs of RM 94.60 billion.
Disappointment with more of the status quo
There are no reforms undertaken on the EPF system, only some token assistance where balances under RM10,000 will receive an RM 500 top up. This is even though there is a retirement crisis in Malaysia. Likewise, rather than any tax reform, there will be a 2 percent decrease in tax rates for the B40 group, and an up to a 2 percent tax rise in the T20 group. Taxation revenue will become a crucial issue for future governments, if reform is not undertaken.
The budget fell well short of the income safety net promised by both Pakatan Harapan and Barisan Nasional. The social assistance allocation of RM 8 billion to cover the needs of 8.7 million people will amount to RM 920 per person per annum. THis has been dismissed as 「paltry, one off handouts」 by a senior trade union official. No change is forthcoming on a holistic approach to rectify the fundamental issue of low wages that continues to hold back the B40 and M40 income population.
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{nextpage}SMEs Again Neglected
Assistance to SMEs will largely be in loans, with priority to developing automation. There will definitely be delivery and management problems. Government criteria may be too tight, making many SMEs ineligible.
The funds allocated for automation and digitalization, may not all be taken up, due to most SMEs being only 『hand to mouth』 operations and not able to match grants. 「Know who」 will decide who gets assistance. Tax incentives will be of little use to SMEs which have not been able to make profits, Many SMEs are presently technically insolvent. There is a risk that the Khazanah Nasional and EPF innovative and high-growth start-up companies RM 1.5 billion investment scheme will benefit only wealthy and connected companies. Much of the money will also go towards consultancy services.
Food security
Bernas sharing 30 percent of net profits on rice imports, offering RM 1 billion in loans and tax incentives is not going to assist in enhancing food production. Technological grants for private investments may not be fully taken up by farming enterprises or may end up going towards sham politically connected companies. Little is being done to lower the cost of production, through decreasing input duties on farm inputs. There are still APs in place on food items, which is contributing to artificially high costs.
The key forgotten reform
The proposal to set up a special task force to reform government agencies is a small step in the right direction for enhancing the efficiency of government. This should be expanded to a full study of government, from ministries down to agencies, to determine where bloated staffing levels and inefficiencies exist and where necessary action can be taken to cut back before the next budget.
One interesting aspect of this budget is that the finance ministry, of which Anwar is minister, had its allocation of RM29.87 billion raised to RM 67.24 billion, a rise of 125.1 percent. This is a massive increase, enhancing the power of the finance ministry over the government. The government has forecast RM58.6 billion in subsidy payments for 2023. Many of these subsidies, such as RM 1.8 billion for rice farmers will continue to ensure that the paddy industry remains inefficient. RM 200 to be paid to youths between 18-20 will just be wasted and not assist these people to empower themselves. CLGs offering 35,000 new job opportunities to youth, TVET graduates, veterans, and other vulnerable groups is just going to add to the inefficiencies of these organizations. This new laundry list of giveaways may provide short term political gain but the economic returns are largely illusive.
The Prime Minister had promised to share 「the real facts」 rather than opting for 「captivating」 figures to accurately present the state of the nation. The budget presentation was a missed opportunity.
This article was co written with Ramesh Chander and Murray Hunter
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